- Multinationals benefit most from globalisation according to 87% of EU citizens
Multinationals, financial markets, the European Union, the United States, Japan, China,
developing countries, consumers all benefit from globalisation according to a majority of
EU citizens. However, farmers and small and medium sized companies seem to lose out. - Over three in four citizens in the European Union have heard of globalisation
Awareness of the concept of globalisation seems to be high in most Member States.
However, in Luxembourg and the United Kingdom, close to two in five respondents
have not heard of it. - 63% of citizens are in favour of the development of globalisation
Citizens support globalisation in each Member State with the exception of Greece where
a majority are opposed. - Over two in five respondents believe that the Single Market and their domestic
economy is sufficiently open to the needs of international trade - 43% of respondents believing that their country’s economy is too open also believe that
the European Union is too liberal. However, respondents are more critical of their
country’s level of protectionism as 43% of those who believe that their country’s economy
is too closed believe on the other hand that the European Union is neither too
protectionist nor too liberal. - Over one in two citizens are optimistic about their personal future and that of home
economy should globalisation intensify - France, Greece and Belgium are the only Member States where a majority are
pessimistic about their personal future and the economic impact on their country should
globalisation intensify. In France and Belgium, respondents are in favour of the concept
of globalisation in general but when asked for their views on the consequences at a level
that is closer to themselves, they are more critical. Positive perceptions on a personal and
economic level go hand-in-hand. 75% of respondents believing that they would gain on a
personal level should globalisation intensify are also optimistic about the economic
impact. - 62% of citizens believe in the effectiveness of controlling globalisation and 56% are
calling for regulation to be stepped-up - In most Member States a majority of citizens believe in the regulation of globalisation.
Respondents in Denmark and Luxembourg are least convinced of the effectiveness of
regulation with respectively 59% and 52% indicating that they believe that globalisation
cannot be effectively controlled. - Three in four European Union citizens believe that the United States exercises too
much influence on globalisation - 37% of citizens believe that the European Union has a suitable level of influence on the
process of globalisation. According to a majority of citizens the United States,
multinationals and financial circles seem to exercise too much influence - a fact that is
compounded by the low level of trust EU citizens place in these players. Consumer
associations, however, are well placed to increase their level of influence on the process
of globalisation. - 79% of citizens believe that anti or alter-globalist movements raise points that
deserve to be debated - In each Member State a majority of respondents believe that anti or alter-globalist
movements raise points that deserve to be debated. However, such movements are seen
to be lacking in their ability to change its development. - 58% of citizens support the European Commission in its role as negotiator on
international trade issues - Finland and the United Kingdom are the only two countries where a majority of
respondents believe that the European Commission cannot sufficiently account for the
interests of their country.
Some interesting facts about the EU
The Schengen feeling
Many can still recall the pre-1989 atmosphere on buses or trains. People nervously clutched their passports as they approached the Slovak-Hungarian or Slovak-Polish border crossings, ready to get a new stamp every time they visited a town on the other side of the border, even when they could see it from their gardens. Nervous mothers silenced their children, fearing that the border guards would search for the extra package of Hungarian or Polish candy that they hid under the seat because they exceeded the unofficial quota.
Though many walls and curtains have been torn down, some psychological barriers will remain, even after the metal ramps of the border crossings are taken to the scrap yard and border officers are relocated to Slovakia’s border with Ukraine, which becomes the eastern border of the European Union.
feudal USA vs. The civilised european union...
the biggest economy in the world...
This is very similar to other 3rd world countries, pseudodemocracies &
other oligarchies.
Sins of NGOs in Slovakia and elsewhere
Lets clarify that when we talk about NGOs we do not focus on things like greenpeace or unicef. we are talking about strange outfits that seem to have limitless funding to affect the political climate
Now read on:
The following is an excerpted article from The Economist:
Sins of the secular missionaries
Aid and campaign groups, or NGOs, matter more and more in world affairs. But they are often far from being "non-governmental", as they claim. And they are not always a force for good
A YOUNG man thrusts his crudely printed calling card at the visitor. After his name are printed three letters: NGO. "What do you do?" the visitor asks."I have formed an NGO.""Yes, but what does it do?""Whatever they want. I am waiting for some funds and then I will make a project."
Once little more than ragged charities, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are now big business. Somalia, where that exchange took place, is heaven for them. In large parts of the country, western governments, the United Nations and foreign aid agencies cannot work directly; it is too dangerous. ...outsiders must work through local groups, which become a powerful source of patronage. "Anybody who's anybody is an NGO these days," sighs one UN official.
And not just in Somalia. NGOs now head for crisis zones as fast as journalists do: a war, a flood, refugees, a dodgy election, even a world trade conference, will draw them like a honey pot. Last spring, Tirana, the capital of Albania, was swamped by some 200 groups intending to help the refugees from Kosovo. In Kosovo..., the ground is now thick with foreign groups competing to foster democracy, build homes and proffer goods and services. Environmental activists in Norway board whaling ships; do-gooders gather for the Chiapas rebels in Mexico.
In recent years, such groups have mushroomed. A 1995 UN report on global governance suggested...nearly 29,000 international NGOs existed. Domestic ones have grown even faster. By one estimate, there are now 2m in America alone, most formed in the past 30 years. In Russia, where almost none existed before the fall of communism, there are at least 65,000. Dozens are created daily; in Kenya alone, some 240 NGOs are now created every year.
Most of these are minnows; some are whales, with annual incomes of millions of dollars and a worldwide operation. Some are primarily helpers, distributing relief where it is needed; some are mainly campaigners, existing to promote issues deemed important by their members. The general public tends to see them as uniformly altruistic, idealistic and independent. ...the term "NGO", like the activities of the NGOs themselves, deserves much sharper scrutiny.
Governments' puppets?
The tag "Non-Governmental Organisation" was used first at the founding of the UN. It implies...NGOs keep their distance from officialdom; they do things...governments will not, or cannot, do. In fact, NGOs have a great deal to do with governments. Not all of it is healthy. Take the aid NGOs. A growing share of development spending, emergency relief and aid transfers passes through them. According to Carol Lancaster, a former deputy director of USAID, America's development body, NGOs have become "the most important constituency for the activities of development aid agencies". Much of the food delivered by the World Food Programme, a UN body, in Albania last year was actually handed out by NGOs working in the refugee camps. Between 1990 and 1994, the proportion of the EU's relief aid channelled through NGOs rose from 47% to 67%. The Red Cross reckons...NGOs now disburse more money than the World Bank.
And governments are happy to provide that money. Of Oxfam's #98m ($162m) income in 1998, a quarter, #24.1m, was given by the British government and the EU. World Vision US, which boasts of being the world's "largest privately funded Christian relief and development organisation", collected $55m-worth of goods that year from the American government. Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), the winner of last year's Nobel peace prize, gets 46% of its income from government sources. Of 120 NGOs which sprang up in Kenya between 1993 and the end of 1996, all but nine received all their income from foreign governments and international bodies. Such official contributions will go on, especially if the public gets more stingy. Today's young, educated and rich give a smaller share of their incomes away than did -- and do -- their parents.
In Africa, where international help has the greatest influence, western governments have long been shifting their aid towards NGOs. America's help, some $711m last year, increasingly goes to approved organisations, often via USAID. Europe's donors also say...bilateral aid should go to NGOs, which are generally more open and efficient than governments. For the UN, too, they are now seen as indispensable. The new head of the UN's Development Programme says the body "will put a lot more emphasis on relations with NGOs". Most such agencies now have hundreds of NGO partners.
So the principal reason for the recent boom in NGOs is ...western governments finance them. This is not a matter of charity, but of privatisation: many "non-governmental" groups are becoming contractors for governments. Governments prefer to pass aid through NGOs because it is cheaper, more efficient -- and more at arm's length -- than direct official aid.
Governments also find NGOs useful in ways that go beyond the distribution of food and blankets. Some bring back useful information, and make it part of their brief to do so. Outfits such as the International Crisis Group and Global Witness publish detailed and opinionated reports from places beset by war or other disasters. The work of Global Witness in Angola is actually paid for by the British Foreign Office.
Diplomats and governments, as well as other NGOs, journalists and the public, can make good use of these reports. As the staff of foreign embassies shrink, and the need to keep abreast of events abroad increases, governments inevitably turn to private sources of information. In some benighted parts of the world, sometimes only NGOs can nowadays reveal what is going on.
Take...human rights, the business of one of the biggest of the campaigning NGOs, Amnesty International. Amnesty has around 1m members in over 162 countries, and its campaigns against political repression, in particular against unfair imprisonment, are known around the world. The information it gathers is often unavailable from other sources.
Where western governments' interests match those of campaigning NGOs, they can form
effective alliances. In 1997, a coalition of over 350 NGOs pushed for, and obtained, a treaty against the use of landmines. The campaign was backed by the usual array of concerned governments (Canada, the Scandinavians) and won the Nobel peace prize.
NGOs are...interesting and useful to governments because they work in the midst of conflict. Many were created by wars: the Red Cross after the Battle of Solferino in 1859, the Save the Children Fund after the first world war, MSF after the Biafran war. By being "close to the action" some NGOs, perhaps unwittingly, provide good cover for spies -- a more traditional means by which governments gather information.
In some cases, NGOs are taking over directly from diplomats: not attempting to help the victims of war, but to end the wars themselves. Some try to restrict arms flows, such as Saferworld, which is against small arms. Others attempt to negotiate ceasefires. The Italian Catholic lay community of Sant' Egidio helped to end 13 years of civil war in Mozambique in 1992. International Alert, a London-based peace research group, tried the same for Sierra Leone in the mid-1990s. Last year, Unicef (a part of the UN) and the Carter Centre, founded by ex-President Jimmy Carter, brought about a peace deal of sorts between Uganda and Sudan. There are now roughly 500 groups registered by the European Platform for Conflict Prevention and Transformation. "Civil war demands civil action," say the organisers.
Larger NGOs have pledged not to act as "instruments of government foreign policy". ...at times they are seen as just that. Governments are more willing to pay groups to deliver humanitarian aid to a war zone than to deliver it themselves. Last autumn, America's Congress passed a resolution to deliver food aid to rebels in southern Sudan via USAID and sympathetic Christian groups (religious NGOs earn the label RINGOs, and are found everywhere).
Perhaps the most potent sign of the closeness between NGOs and governments, aside from their financial links, is the exchange of personnel. In developing countries, where the civil service is poor, some governments ask NGOs to help with the paperwork requested by the World Bank and other international institutions. Politicians, or their wives, often have their own local NGOs. In the developed world, meanwhile, increasing numbers of civil servants take time off to work for NGOs, and vice versa: Oxfam has former staff members not only in the British government, but also in the Finance Ministry of Uganda. This symbiotic relationship with government (earning some groups the tag GRINGO) may make the governments of developing countries work better. It may also help aid groups to do their job effectively. ...it hardly reflects their independence.
NGOS can also stray too close to the corporate world. Some, known to critics as "business NGOs", deliberately model themselves on, or depend greatly on, particular corporations. Bigger ones have commercial arms, media departments, aggressive head-hunting methods and a wide array of private fund-raising and investment strategies. Smaller ones can be overwhelmed by philanthropic businesses or their owners: Bill Gates, the head of Microsoft, gave $25m last year to an NGO that is looking for a vaccine for AIDS, transforming it overnight from a small group with a good idea to a powerful one with a lot of money to spend.
The business of helping
In 1997, according to the OECD, NGOs raised $5.5 billion from private donors. The real figure may well be higher: as leisure, travel and other industries have grown, so too have charities. In 1995 non-profit groups (including, but not only, NGOs) provided over 12% of all jobs in the Netherlands, 8% in America and 6% in Britain.
Many groups have come to depend on their media presence to help with fund-raising. This is bringing NGOs their greatest problems. They are adapting from shoebox outfits, stuffing envelopes and sending off perhaps one container of medicines, to sophisticated multi-million-dollar operations. In the now-crowded relief market, campaigning groups must jostle for attention: increasingly, NGOs compete and spend a lot of time and money marketing themselves. Bigger ones typically spend 10% of their funds on marketing and fund-raising. The focus of such NGOs can easily shift from finding solutions and helping needy recipients to pleasing their donors and winning television coverage. Events at Goma, in Congo, in 1994 brought this problem home. Tens of thousands of refugees from Rwanda, who had flooded into Goma, depended on food and shelter from the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and from NGOs. Their dramatic plight drew the television cameras and, with them, the chance for publicity and huge donations. A frantic scramble for funds led groups to lie about their projects. Fearful...the media and then the public might lose confidence in NGOs, the Red Cross drew up an approved list of NGOs and got them to put their names to a ten-point code of conduct, reproduced above.
Since then, NGOs have been working hard to improve. More than 70 groups and 142 governments backed the 1995 code of conduct, agreeing...aid should be delivered "only on a basis of need". "We hold ourselves accountable to both those we seek to assist and those from whom we accept resources," they pledged. Yet in Kosovo last year there was a similar scramble, with groups pushing to be seen by camera crews as they worked. Personnel and resources were even shifted there from worse wars and refugee crises in Africa.
As they get larger, NGOs are also looking more and more like businesses themselves. In the past, such groups sought no profits, paid low wages -- or none at all -- and employed idealists. Now a whole class of them, even if not directly backed by businesses, have taken on corporate trappings. Known collectively as BINGOs, these groups manage funds and employ staff which a medium-sized company would envy. Like corporations, they attend conferences endlessly. Fund-raisers and senior staff at such NGOs earn wages comparable to the private sector. Some bodies, once registered as charities, now choose to become non-profit companies or charitable trusts for tax reasons and so that they can control their spending and programmes more easily. Many big charities have trading arms, registered as companies. One manufacturing company, Tetra Pak, has even considered sponsoring emergency food delivery as a way to advertise itself. Any neat division between the corporate and the NGO worlds is long gone. Many NGOs operate as competitors seeking contracts in the aid market, raising funds with polished media campaigns and lobbying governments as hard as any other business. Governments and UN bodies could now, in theory, ask for tenders from businesses and NGOs to carry out their programmes. It seems only a matter of time before this happens. If NGOs are cheap and good at delivering food or health care in tough areas, they should win the contracts easily.
Good intentions not enough
It could be argued...it does not matter even if NGOs are losing their independence, becoming just another arm of government or another business. GRINGOs and BINGOs, after all, may be more efficient than the old sort of charity.
Many do achieve great things: they may represent the last hope for civilians caught in civil wars, for those imprisoned unfairly and for millions of desperate refugees. There are many examples of small, efficient and inspirational groups with great achievements: the best will employ local people, keep foreign expertise to a minimum, attempt precise goals (such as providing clean water) and think deeply about the long-term impact of their work. Some of these grow into large, well-run groups.
...there are also problems. NGOs may be assumed to be less bureaucratic, wasteful or corrupt than governments, but under-scrutinised groups can suffer from the same chief failing: they can get into bad ways because they are not accountable to anyone. Critics also suspect... some aid groups are used to propagate western values, as Christian missionaries did in the 19th century. Many NGOs, lacking any base in the local population and with their money coming from outside, simply try to impose their ideas without debate. For example, they often work to promote women's or children's interests as defined by western societies, winning funds easily but causing social disruption on the ground.
Groups that carry out population or birth-control projects are particularly controversial; some are paid to carry out sterilisation programmes in the poor parts of the world, because donors in the rich world consider there are too many people there. Anti-"slavery" campaigns in Africa, in which western NGOs buy children's freedom for a few hundred dollars each, are notorious. Unicef has condemned such groups, but American NGOs continue to buy slaves -- or people they consider slaves -- in southern Sudan. Clearly, buying slaves, if that is what they are, will do little to discourage the practice of trading them.
NGOs...get involved in situations where their presence may prolong or complicate wars, where they end up feeding armies, sheltering hostages or serving as cover for warring parties. These may be the unintended consequences of aid delivery, but they also complicate foreign policy.
Even under calmer conditions, in non-emergency development work, not all single-interest groups may be the best guarantors of long-term success. They are rarely obliged to think about trade-offs in policy or to consider broad, cross-sector approaches to development. NGOs are "often organised to promote particular goals...rather than the broader goal of development," argues Ms Lancaster. In Kosovo last spring, "many governments made bilateral funding agreements with NGOs, greatly undermining UNHCR's ability to prioritise programmes or monitor efficiency," says Peter Morris of MSF. This spring in Kosovo, "there were instances of several NGOs competing to work in the same camps, duplication of essential services," complains an Oxfam worker. And whatever big international NGOs do in the developing world, they bring in western living standards, personnel and purchasing power which can transform local markets and generate great local resentment. In troubled zones where foreign NGOs flourish, weekends bring a line of smart four-by-fours parked at the best beaches, restaurants or nightclubs. The local beggars do well, but discrepancies between expatriate staff and, say, impoverished local officials trying to do the same work can cause deep antipathy. Not only have NGOs diverted funds away from local governments, but they are often seen as directly challenging their sovereignty.
NGOs can also become self-perpetuating. When the problem for which they were founded is solved, they seek new campaigns and new funds. The old anti-apartheid movement, its job completed, did not disband, but instead became another lobby group for southern Africa. As NGOs become steadily more powerful on the world scene, the best antidote to hubris, and to institutionalisation, would be this: disband when the job is done. The chief aim of NGOs should be their own abolition.
americans and guns
Sometimes i dont think that its a good idea that the USA is the biggest possessor of nuclear weapons on the planet...
http://www.snotr.com/embed/523
Contradictionary terms
Corporate responsibility
Employee welfare
Private health insurance
Environmental policy
social mobility
Pensionable age
Compassionate conservative
May I also suggest some newly incompatible word pairs that will elicit
mirth in the future.
love & marriage
first-time (home) buyer
career path
job satisfaction
constructive criticism
impartial advice (especially financial)
public relations
objective reporting
words that cannot be used in any context
civic
progressive
left
prudent
loyal
committed
generous
pro-bono
open-minded
re-distribution
medical bills and bankruptcy in USA
I will refer to a simple thing about the American example, that I think might give one a good reason to think twice..
FROM BBC
"For the 1.5 million Americans who go through bankruptcy in an average year, medical bills are the leading cause. For all of that, you would think there would be a loud and visible constituency for healthcare reform.
You would think there would large demonstrations, or at least aggressive lobbying for change. But there is very little."See more at BBC http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/7006933.stm
ALSO note these graphs when drawing your conclusions:
Saving for a rainy day (particularly for this non existent health safety-net) (negative saving is of course borrowing...)
Great news! Slovakia to Start Meeting Maastricht Inflation Criterion Next Month
Initial estimates that the country could meet this criterion as soon as August will thus not be confirmed. The reason for this, however, is not worse inflation development in Slovakia but a change to the calculation base for the reference value.
“Development of the inflation rate still allows us to assume we would meet the nominal part of this criterion this year as well as in March 2008 and further in 2008, which we consider key issues for evaluation of the Maastricht criterion itself,” the Governor concluded.
Admiring the rich & famous
powerful, and to despise, or, at least, to neglect persons of poor and mean
condition is the great and most universal cause of the corruption of our
moral sentiments."
Adam Smith (The Theory of Moral Sentiments, 1759):
also...
Theodore Roosevelt ("New Nationalism" speech, 1910): "I believe in a
graduated income tax on big fortunes, and in another tax which is far more
easily collected and far more effective-a graduated inheritance tax on big
fortunes, properly safeguarded against evasion and increasing rapidly with
the size of the estate."
Romano Prodi - Italian Prime Minister & former head of the EU commission Says that Slovakia is an economic miracle.
Bratislava, Slovakia. "Slovakia has become a real economic miracle in Europe." - Romano Prodi, Italian Premier (And former head of the European Commision)
We have come to a major milestone in economic development in Slovakia. According to latest estimates by Eurostat, Slovakia is to achieve the second highest ranking in standard-of-living among the Visegrad 4 countries, moving ahead of Hungary in terms of GDP per capita.
Slovakia has exhibited an outstanding GDP growth in recent years, which is becoming tangible. A strong and stable economy means more local spending power.
Fico & labour standards
I think that people who think that maternity leave is a threat to capitalism makes me wonder if some employers have any humanity left. Moderate social standards and capital can coexist and produce balanced & democratic societies like those found in Scandinavia and elsewhere where the fruit of capitalism is used to underpin enlightened societies and not go down the path of unstable militaristic taliban-esque regimes like the one plagueing the United States at the moment. The social ills that the US has accepted in order to gain a couple of percentage points of growth are an unacceptable trade-off. Only psychopaths can truly want societies that don't care about the fate of the individual i.e. without safety nets.
The richest irony of all is that in this century of the Self the checks and balances on capital that are being undermined everywhere, are the basic foundation upon which the social contract that allowed the prosperity of the past 70 or so years (i.e. after the war).
I also have a deep suspicion that most people who call for privatisation of healthcare or short-term contracts as the way of the future either are rich enough to not need the societal safety nets (and are therefore in a small atypical minority) or they are deluded fools who think they are the next Gordon Gekko... We are not all going to be rich.. Its impossible. Many will waste their life chasing these illusions and in the process they are creating a selfish cruel & consumeristic world to live in.
George Michael comes to Bratislava
Bratislava's Inter football stadium hosted world-renowned vocalist George Michael on May 25. The Bratislava concert was part of his 2007 summer European tour.
The two-hour show included hits like "Fast Love", "Too Funky", "Star People" and "Shoot the Dog". The highlight of the show was George Michael's dance hit "Freedom", which he played as a second encore.
The show began shortly before 21:00. There was a 20-minute break after an hour, and then George Michael continued for another hour.
latest Bratislava buzz
Robert Fico went to Frankfurt with Ivan Sramko the excellent Central banker that has kept a steady hand on the economic decision-making in Slovakia since his appointment by Dzurinda.
They met the European Central Bank chief Jean-Cluade Trichet in Frankfurt, and seem to have convinced the rest of europe that Slovakia has every intention but also a rising economy that can support the undertakings necessary to enter the eurozone.
It seems that given a steady 12 months of current policy will see Slovakia through to both Schengen and Euro membership, before all the other EU entrants bar tiny Slovenia.
Bratislava I can tell you is buzzing with investment, and many people are realising what a comfortable and cozy place its center is. A little known fact though is what lovely place it is to live in. Very affordable, and yet it still has all the amenities a larger capital like Vienna has.
Its political and economic leadership has serious communication issues, that is for sure. But the management of the economy has been prudent, and rotation of power beneficial for the maturity of this country's political life.
The fact that Slovak wages and living standards are rising by 8% per annum with productivity rising even faster than that (i.e. the growth is benefiting everyone in the country) and comparing it to the USA where the robber barons have returned via lobbying under the guise of de-regulation and aredriving living standars for much of the middle class down, makes me feel lucky and priviledged in my decision to base myself in this lovely corner of central europe.
In the US the poor really feel the pain of this lack of re-distribution. Repeal of common sense regulation coupled with a society that worships entertainers and doesn't bother to vote or value productive enterprises (why is Wall St. worshipped more than manufacturing?) has created a fine mess that is only just starting to unfold.
Europe is the place to be, particularly new europe.
J.K Galbraith
John Kenneth Galbraith (1908-10-15 – 2006-04-29) was a Canadian-American economist and author.
In the usual (though certainly not in every) public decision on economic policy, the choice is between courses that are almost equally good or equally bad. It is the narrowest decisions that are most ardently debated. If the world is lucky enough to enjoy peace, it may even one day make the discovery, to the horror of doctrinaire free-enterprisers and doctrinaire planners alike, that what is called capitalism and what is called socialism are both capable of working quite well.
"The American Economy: Its Substance and Myth," quoted in Years of the Modern (1949), ed. J.W. Chase
But now, as throughout history, financial capacity and political perspicacity are inversely correlated.
The Great Crash 1929 (1954)
In the autumn of 1929 the mightiest of Americans were, for a brief time, revealed as human beings.
The Great Crash 1929 (1954)
Men have been swindled by other men on many occasions. The autumn of 1929 was, perhaps, the first occasion when men succeeded on a large scale in swindling themselves.
The Great Crash 1929 (1954)
You roll back the stones, and you find slithering things. That is the world of Richard Nixon.
Adlai Stevenson speech, Los Angeles, 1956, written by Galbraith
Wealth is not without its advantages, and the case to the contrary, although it has often been made, has never proved widely persuasive.
The Affluent Society (1958), ch. 1
It is a far, far better thing to have a firm anchor in nonsense than to put out on the troubled seas of thought.
The Affluent Society (1958), ch. 11
In a community where public services have failed to keep abreast of private consumption things are very different. Here, in an atmosphere of private opulence and public squalor, the private goods have full sway.
The Affluent Society (1958), ch. 18
There is certainly no absolute standard of beauty. That precisely is what makes its pursuit so interesting.
The New York Times Magazine (1960-10-09)
Politics is not the art of the possible. It consists in choosing between the disastrous and the unpalatable.
Letter to John F. Kennedy (1962-03-02), printed in Galbraith's Ambassador's Journal (1969)
Total physical and mental inertia are highly agreeable, much more so than we allow ourselves to imagine. A beach not only permits such inertia but enforces it, thus neatly eliminating all problems of guilt. It is now the only place in our overly active world that does.
Foreword to The Beach Book by Gloria Steinem (1963); reprinted in Galbraith's A View from the Stands (1986)
Clearly the most unfortunate people are those who must do the same thing over and over again, every minute, or perhaps twenty to the minute. They deserve the shortest hours and the highest pay.
Made to Last (1964), ch. 4
People are the common denominator of progress. So, paucis verbis, no improvement is possible with unimproved people, and advance is certain when people are liberated and educated. It would be wrong to dismiss the importance of roads, railroads, power plants, mills, and the other familiar furniture of economic development. At some stages of development — the stage that India and Pakistan have reached, for example — they are central to the strategy of development. But we are coming to realize, I think, that there is a certain sterility in economic monuments that stand alone in a sea of illiteracy. Conquest of illiteracy comes first.
Economic Development (1964), ch. 2
By all but the pathologically romantic, it is now recognized that this is not the age of the small man.
The New Industrial State (1967)
There is an insistent tendency among serious social scientists to think of any institution which features rhymed and singing commercials, intense and lachrymose voices urging highly improbable enjoyment, caricatures of the human esophagus in normal and impaired operation, and which hints implausibly at opportunities for antiseptic seduction as inherently trivial. This is a great mistake. The industrial system is profoundly dependent on commercial television and could not exist in its present form without it.
The New Industrial State (1967)
The real accomplishment of modern science and technology consists in taking ordinary men, informing them narrowly and deeply and then, through appropriate organization, arranging to have their knowledge combined with that of other specialized but equally ordinary men. This dispenses with the need for genius. The resulting performance, though less inspiring, is far more predictable.
The New Industrial State (1967), ch. 6
In economics, hope and faith coexist with great scientific pretension and also a deep desire for respectability.
The New York Times Magazine (1970-06-07)
Among all the world's races, some obscure Bedouin tribes possibly apart, Americans are the most prone to misinformation. This is not the consequence of any special preference for mendacity, although at the higher levels of their public administration that tendency is impressive. It is rather that so much of what they themselves believe is wrong.
"The United States," New York (1971-11-15); reprinted in A View from the Stands (1986)
The Senate has unlimited debate; in the House, debate is ruthlessly circumscribed. There is frequent discussion as to which technique most effectively frustrates democratic process. However, a more important antidote to American democracy is American gerontocracy. The positions of eminence and authority in Congress are allotted in accordance with length of service, regardless of quality. Superficial observers have long criticized the United States for making a fetish of youth. This is unfair. Uniquely among modern organs of public and private administration, its national legislature rewards senility.
ibid.
In the United States, though power corrupts, the expectation of power paralyzes.
ibid.
The traveler to the United States will do well, however, to prepare himself for the class-consciousness of the natives. This differs from the already familiar English version in being more extreme and based more firmly on the conviction that the class to which the speaker belongs is inherently superior to all others.
ibid.
Once the visitor was told rather repetitively that this city was the melting pot; never before in history had so many people of such varied languages, customs, colors and culinary habits lived so amicably together. Although New York remains peaceful by most standards, this self-congratulation is now less often heard, since it was discovered some years ago that racial harmony depended unduly on the willingness of the blacks (and latterly the Puerto Ricans) to do for the other races the meanest jobs at the lowest wages and then to return to live by themselves in the worst slums.
ibid.
Let there be no question: economics, so long as it is thus taught, becomes, however unconsciously, a part of the arrangement by which the citizen or student is kept from seeing how he or she is, or will be, governed.
"Power and the Useful Economist" (1973) (printed in Annals of an Abiding Liberal and The Essential Galbraith)
The decisive weakness in neoclassical and neo-Keynesian economics is not the error in the assumptions by which it elides the problem of power. The capacity for erroneous belief is very great, especially where it coincides with convenience. Rather, in eliding power — in making economics a nonpolitical subject — neoclassical theory destroys its relation to the real world. In that world, power is decisive in what happens. And the problems of that world are increasing both in number and in the depth of their social affliction. In consequence, neoclassical and neo-Keynesian economics is relegating its players to the social sidelines where they either call no plays or use the wrong ones. To change the metaphor, they manipulate levers to which no machinery is attached.
"Power and the Useful Economist" (1973) (printed in Annals of an Abiding Liberal and The Essential Galbraith)
This is what economics now does. It tells the young and susceptible (and also the old and vulnerable) that economic life has no content of power and politics because the firm is safely subordinate to the market and the state and for this reason it is safely at the command of the consumer and citizen. Such an economics is not neutral. It is the influential and invaluable ally of those whose exercise of power depends on an acquiescent public. If the state is the executive committee of the great corporation and the planning system, it is partly because neoclassical economics is its instrument for neutralizing the suspicion that this is so.
"Power and the Useful Economist" (1973) (printed in Annals of an Abiding Liberal and The Essential Galbraith)
If all else fails immortality can always be assured by adequate error.
Money: Whence It Came, Where It Went (1975)
Of all classes the rich are the most noticed and the least studied.
The Age of Uncertainty (1977), ch. 2
The man who is admired for the ingenuity of his larceny is almost always rediscovering some earlier form of fraud. The basic forms are all known, have all been practiced. The manners of capitalism improve. The morals may not.
The Age of Uncertainty (1977), ch. 2
All successful revolutions are the kicking in of a rotten door. The violence of revolutions is the violence of men who charge into a vacuum.
The Age of Uncertainty (1977), ch. 3: "The Massive Dissent of Karl Marx"
Money is a singular thing. It ranks with love as man's greatest source of joy. And with death as his greatest source of anxiety. Over all history it has oppressed nearly all people in one of two ways: either it has been abundant and very unreliable, or reliable and very scarce.
The Age of Uncertainty (1977), ch. 6
Few can believe that suffering, especially by others, is in vain. Anything that is disagreeable must surely have beneficial economic effects.
The Age of Uncertainty (1977), ch. 7
The Metropolis should have been aborted long before it became New York, London or Tokyo.
The Age of Uncertainty (1977), ch. 9
When people put their ballots in the boxes, they are, by that act, inoculated against the feeling that the government is not theirs. They then accept, in some measure, that its errors are their errors, its aberrations their aberrations, that any revolt will be against them. It's a remarkably shrewd and rather conservative arrangement when one thinks of it.
The Age of Uncertainty (1977), ch. 12
Man, at least when educated, is a pessimist. He believes it safer not to reflect on his achievements; Jove is known to strike such people down.
The Age of Uncertainty (1977), ch. 12
All of the great leaders have had one characteristic in common: it was the willingness to confront unequivocally the major anxiety of their people in their time. This, and not much else, is the essence of leadership.
The Age of Uncertainty (1977), ch. 12
The enemy of the conventional wisdom is not ideas but the march of events.
Introduction (1977) to The Affluent Society (originally published in 1958)
Much literary criticism comes from people for whom extreme specialization is a cover for either grave cerebral inadequacy or terminal laziness, the latter being a much cherished aspect of academic freedom.
"H.L. Mencken," The Washington Post (1980-09-14); reprinted in A View from the Stands (1986)
Wealth, in even the most improbable cases, manages to convey the aspect of intelligence.
The Sydney Morning Herald (1982-05-22)
Any consideration of the life and larger social existence of the modern corporate man... begins and also largely ends with the effect of one all-embracing force. That is organization — the highly structured assemblage of men, and now some women, of which he is a part. It is to this, at the expense of family, friends, sex, recreation and sometimes health and effective control of alcoholic intake, that he is expected to devote his energies.
"Corporate Man," The New York Times (1984-01-22)
Increasingly in recent times we have come first to identify the remedy that is most agreeable, most convenient, most in accord with major pecuniary or political interest, the one that reflects our available faculty for action; then we move from the remedy so available or desired back to a cause to which that remedy is relevant.
"The Convenient Reverse of Logic in Our Time," commencement address, American University (1984); reprinted in A View from the Stands (1986)
A nuclear war does not defend a country and it does not defend a system. I've put it the same way many times; not even the most accomplished ideologue will be able to tell the difference between the ashes of capitalism and the ashes of communism.
"The Ashes of Capitalism and the Ashes of Communism," interview (undated) with John M. Whiteley in Quest for Peace: an Introduction (1986), ed. John Whiteley [1]
Get the process of negotiation away from the small specialized group that some people have called the "nuclear theologians," who in effect said this is a complicated issue of seeing how little we can give away, how much we can extract from the other side; it's highly specialized. Only a few people can understand the nature of these weapons, the delivery systems, the targeting, the nature of the MIRV and the CRUISE, on down, and the MX. This kept the whole discussion to a very limited group of people who, in a way, had assumed responsibility for saying whether we should live or die.
"The Ashes of Capitalism and the Ashes of Communism," interview (undated) with John M. Whiteley in Quest for Peace: an Introduction (1986), ed. John Whiteley
The huge capacity to purchase submission that goes with any large sum of money, well, this we have. This is a power of which we should all be aware.
"The Ashes of Capitalism and the Ashes of Communism," interview (undated) with John M. Whiteley in Quest for Peace: an Introduction (1986), ed. John Whiteley
Both we and the Soviets face the common threat of nuclear destruction and there is no likelihood that either capitalism or communism will survive a nuclear war.
"The Ashes of Capitalism and the Ashes of Communism," interview (undated) with John M. Whiteley in Quest for Peace: an Introduction (1986), ed. John Whiteley
In any great organization it is far, far safer to be wrong with the majority than to be right alone.
The Guardian (UK, 1989-07-28)
In all life one should comfort the afflicted, but verily, also, one should afflict the comfortable, and especially when they are comfortably, contentedly, even happily wrong.
ibid.
There is something wonderful in seeing a wrong-headed majority assailed by truth.
ibid.
In the first place I identify this ["the equilibrium of poverty"] with primitive agriculture, and two factors have been at work there. One is, of course, population growth. If you were a poor farmer in India, Pakistan, or in much of Africa, you would want as many sons as possible as your social security. They would keep you out of the hot sun and give you some form of subsistence in your old age. So, you have pressure for population growth that is, itself, the result of the extreme economic insecurity. This is something which hasn't been sufficiently emphasized.
Interview with John Newark (1990) from Interviews with John Kenneth Galbraith (2004) ed. James Ronald Stanfield and Jacqueline Bloom Stanfield [2]
One must always have in mind one simple fact — there is no literate population in the world that is poor, and there is no illiterate population that is anything but poor.
Interview with John Newark (1990) from Interviews with John Kenneth Galbraith (2004) ed. James Ronald Stanfield and Jacqueline Bloom Stanfield
We can safely abandon the doctrine of the eighties, namely that the rich were not working because they had too little money, the poor because they had much.
The Guardian (UK, 1991-11-20)
The great dialectic in our time is not, as anciently and by some still supposed, between capital and labor; it is between economic enterprise and the state.
A History of Economics (1991), ch. 21
People who are in a fortunate position always attribute virtue to what makes them so happy.
The Guardian (UK, 1992-05-23)
There's a certain part of the contented majority who love anybody who is worth a billion dollars.
ibid.
The contented and economically comfortable have a very discriminating view of government. Nobody is ever indignant about bailing out failed banks and failed savings and loans associations... But when taxes must be paid for the lower middle class and poor, the government assumes an aspect of wickedness.
ibid.
We now in the United States have more security guards for the rich than we have police services for the poor districts. If you're looking for personal security, far better to move to the suburbs than to pay taxes in New York.
ibid.
Almost 60-odd years ago in Canada. I was studying agriculture, how to produce better chickens, better cattle, better horses — horses in those days — better fruit, better vegetables. This was in the early years of the Great Depression, and the thoughts crossed my mind that there wasn't a hell of a lot of use producing better crops and better livestock if you couldn't sell them, that the real problem of agriculture was not efficiency in production but the problem of whether you could make money after you produced the stuff. So I shifted from the technical side to, first, the study of agricultural economic issues and then on to economics itself.
Interview with Brian Lamb, Booknotes, C-SPAN (1994-11-13) [3]
Broadly speaking, [Keynesianism means] that the government has a specific responsibility for the behavior of the economy, that it doesn't work on its own autonomous course, but the government, when there's a recession, compensates by employment, by expansion of purchasing power, and in boom times corrects by being a restraining force. But it controls the great flow of demand into the economy, what since Keynesian times has been the flow of aggregate demand. That was the basic idea of Keynes so far as one can put it in a couple of sentences.
ibid.
Going back to the most ancient times, national well-being, the national prestige depended on territory. The more territory a country had, the more income revenue there was, the more people there were to be mobilized for arms strength. So we had an enormous sense of territorial conflict and territorial integrity, and that was unquestionably a part of the cause of war, coupled with the fact that there was a disposition in that direction by the landed class, a disposition to think of territorial acquisition and territorial defense and to think of the peasantry as a superior form of livestock which could be used for arms purposes.
ibid.
I react to what is necessary. I would like to eschew any formula. There are some things where the government is absolutely inevitable, which we cannot get along without comprehensive state action. But there are many things — producing consumer goods, producing a wide range of entertainment, producing a wide level of cultural activity — where the market system, which independent activity is also important, so I react pragmatically. Where the market works, I'm for that. Where the government is necessary, I'm for that. I'm deeply suspicious of somebody who says, "I'm in favor of privatization," or, "I'm deeply in favor of public ownership." I'm in favor of whatever works in the particular case.
ibid.
I write with two things in mind. I want to be right with my fellow economists. After all, I've made my life as a professional economist, so I'm careful that my economics is as it should be. But I have long felt that there's no economic proposition that can't be stated in clear, accessible language. So I try to be right with my fellow economists, but I try to have an audience of any interested, intelligent person.
ibid.
It is my guiding confession that I believe the greatest error in economics is in seeing the economy as a stable, immutable structure.
A Journey Through Economic Time (1994)
Modesty is a vastly overrated virtue.
Interview with Lorie Conway (1997) from Interviews with John Kenneth Galbraith
(2004) ed. James Ronald Stanfield and Jacqueline Bloom Stanfield. Conway saw these
words on a framed needlepoint, entitled "Galbraith's First Law," at Galbraith's home
When you see reference to a new paradigm you should always, under all circumstances, take cover. Because ever since the great tulipmania in 1637, speculation has always been covered by a new paradigm. There was never a paradigm so new and so wonderful as the one that covered John Law and the South Sea Bubble - until the day of disaster.
Quoted in Ben Laurance and William Keegan, "Galbraith on crashes, Japan and Walking Sticks", The Observer (1998-06-21)
Let's begin with capitalism, a word that has gone largely out of fashion. The approved reference now is to the market system. This shift minimizes — indeed, deletes — the role of wealth in the economic and social system. And it sheds the adverse connotation going back to Marx. Instead of the owners of capital or their attendants in control, we have the admirably impersonal role of market forces. It would be hard to think of a change in terminology more in the interest of those to whom money accords power. They have now a functional anonymity.
"Free Market Fraud", The Progressive, January 1999)
[edit] Unsourced
Economics is extremely useful as a form of employment for economists.
Faced with the choice between changing one's mind and proving that there is no need to do so, almost everybody gets busy on the proof.
In economics, the majority is always wrong.
It would be foolish to suggest that government is a good custodian of aesthetic goals. But, there is no alternative to the state.
Meetings are a great trap. Soon you find yourself trying to get agreement and then the people who disagree come to think they have a right to be persuaded. However, they are indispensable when you don't want to do anything.
Money differs from an automobile or mistress in being equally important to those who have it and those who do not.
Nothing is so admirable in politics as a short memory.
One of the greatest pieces of economic wisdom is to know what you do not know.
The conspicuously wealthy turn up urging the character building values of the privation of the poor.
The conventional view serves to protect us from the painful job of thinking.
The happiest time of anyone's life is just after the first divorce.
The modern conservative is engaged in one of man's oldest exercises in moral philosophy; that is, the search for a superior moral justification for selfishness.
There are times in politics when you must be on the right side and lose.
Under capitalism, man exploits man. Under communism, it's just the opposite.
We all agree that pessimism is a mark of superior intellect.
Where humor is concerned there are no standards - no one can say what is good or bad, although you can be sure that everyone will.
You will find that the State is the kind of organization which, though it does big things badly, does small things badly, too.
bringing Slovak labour code more in-line with the mainstream
Fico insisted that the revised Labour Code will have no negative impact on economic growth and employment. This is probably true as the virtuous cycle that has taken place in Slovakia allows for building a more balanced society, and legislating some minimum standards.
What this means in the real world is that for example employers cannot play around with the law and deny a full-time job indefinately as many did below so they avoid materntiy costs. Practices like that are really barbaric, and maternity benefits are there for a reason. If we do not invest in our future through the next generation, we will suffer ourselves. continuous and ever accelerating accumulation of money and profit cannot be the only criterion of success and status in society.
Globalisation has brought about such a massive free-market shift in politics that to maintain sensible centrist policies, most european countries can and should easily elect left wing governments and still have a right wing tilt...
Anyway Fico said:
"We have to give employees the rights they deserve as citizens of an EU member," the PM said following a meeting with representatives of the Confederation of Trade Unions.
Labour flexibility for the employee means:
- Little or no paid holiday
- unpaid and frequent overtime
- taking on additional duties for little or no extra pay
- zero job security at a time that mortgages are the only way of buying property
- no pensions, or unreliable pension provision at a very old age (assuming that somebody gives you a job after 55 which is a very big assumption indeed)
Very rarely is it a positive.
Many people have bought into the idea that by espousing US style capitalism everybody will be rich. This is not true. There will be winners but most people will be losers. This trend is driven by greedy people and it causes problems in all sorts of aspects of life. From alienation and psychological problems, to obesity, family breakdown, consumerism, enviromental destruction to feed the consumeristic excesses and reshaping everything to a product to be bought a sold. Monetising human relationships and turning all into money is a false idol and will impoverish all of us, mentally, and otherwise.
very strange...
http://zsolna.blogspot.com/2007/03/international-womens-day.html
via the ever excellent Roger
Cubicle world
Bosses and neoliberal ideologues tell us modern capitalism has changed our lives and the way that we work.
How many of us have had to put up with Human Resource Management? Workers have become used to "key performance indicators", "team working', "appraisals" and a whole battery of measures that go under the rubric of "flexibility" and "modernisation".
The vision of the globalized world that Thomas Friedman offers in his book [The World is Flat - A Brief History of the Twenty-first Century] is a rose-tinted, cheery, bullish version, one that has little to do with reality, according to the authors.
There are no losers in Friedman's flat world - only people for whom it may take a little longer to get their piece of the pie, for example the Chinese sweatshop worker who saves up to educate his kids who then go on to get better jobs and better pay. Of course, Friedman is wrong.
For some, it represents the triumph of free-market capitalism over communism, ushering in democracy, world peace and universal prosperity.
Wal-Mart—the largest private retailer in the United States—is about to completely change the system it uses for scheduling workers’ shifts.
"Labor optimization" is a euphemism for an attack on worker rights. While the implementation of this system is a new tactic in the bosses’ constant drive to increase the exploitation of workers, it is anything but a new push.
It is the right of working people to have jobs free of exploitation.
The sweat shop of old has now become the corporate cube-farm where employees are still required to work long hours without sufficient pay.
Instead of paying workers by the hour, the corporations came up with the ego-assuaging idea of designating nearly all positions as "salaried" which means they are free of overtime costs.
Workers are laid off, their pensions diverted to deceptive "401K" plans that often means they will not be free to retire ~ ever.
Now we go into the next phase of worker exploitation called "globalization". Worker security is forfeited in the name of corporate profit while workers in third world countries are exploited without even the minimal protections of workers in the US.
In December, 2006, Goldman Sachs, a Wall Street financial services company, announced a sixteen and a half billion dollar bonus for its 26,500 employees, an average of $623,418 per employee. Their newly appointed CEO received a bonus of $52,000,000.
With the rain of riches falling upon Wall Street these days, the practice of distributing rewards at the top is picking up steam.
If Karl Marx were alive and well today, and living in America, he might not even recognize the economic system that he critiqued and analyzed in Das Kapital, when he wrote it in 1867. It wasn't a bad call.
All that is needed is a single spark-like China calling in its paper-the debt that the US has accumulated to finance the Iraq war and other catastrophes.
Discovering Time Travel in Bratislava
As for the surrounding countryside, excursions can be made to the Devin Castle, a center of the Moravian Empire in the ninth century. There are also wineries and delicately painted ceramics to buy in the hamlets of the Little Carpathian Mountains.
But now that post-Soviet Bratislava is in full bloom, the surrounding hills may not beckon quite so loudly.
Slovak PM riding high on popular measures
By Alan Crosby and Peter Laca
BRATISLAVA (Reuters) - Many Slovaks began the year with a little extra cash in their pockets thanks to a new leftist government which has brought few of the dire consequences economic analysts warned of six months ago.
Prime Minister Robert Fico, at 42 the country's youngest leader, rose to power after a June election that saw citizens turn their backs on a reformist government that took them from political outcasts to EU members during its eight-year rule.
He promised to reverse many of that government's reforms that were widely praised by foreign investors and analysts but hit ordinary Slovaks in this mainly rural country hard.
The charismatic former human rights lawyer promised to scrap a flat tax system, give pensioners Christmas bonuses, eradicate health service user fees and fight to reduce the large profits made by banks and utility companies.
Analysts said the moves would scare off foreign investors and hit the very open economy and possibly derail plans to adopt the euro in 2009. But six months into governing Fico has toned down his rhetoric and turned from populist to pragmatist.
"When he came to power, he huffed and he puffed," said one EU diplomat based in the capital Bratislava, "but he hasn't blown the house down. Not even close. He's shown a pragmatic side while still giving his core electorate something as well."
To be sure, Fico has managed to unnerve foreign investors, raise eyebrows in the EU and even anger his own coalition partners.
He canceled the $357 million sale -- agreed by the previous government of centre-right Prime Minister Mikulas Dzurinda -- of the country's largest airport to a consortium led by Vienna airport operator Flughafen Wien.
He pushed the energy regulator to approve lower than requested hikes in gas and electricity prices, and then adopted legislation strengthening the regulator for future decisions.
CHRISTMAS BONUSES
And as pensioners found out, he also approved their Christmas bonuses, a wildly popular move made thanks to the tax revenue windfall inherited from the strong economy brought about by the previous cabinet.
"I did not like the previous government, we did not understand Dzurinda, and he did not understand us. This one is much more attentive to how common people live," said 56-year-old pensioner Magdalena Moravova.
The Dzurinda government was the darling of foreign investors, who poured billions into the economy which is now growing at close to double digits.
The hectic privatization schedule angered Fico, who felt the country was being sold to outsiders on the cheap and to the benefit of a few.
Fico has targeted foreign firms that had bought up Slovak assets -- especially in the banking sector and utilities -- saying they were making a windfall profit on the back of ordinary citizens.
He told the Italian utility Enel, which owns dominant electricity producer Slovenske Elektrarne, that if it did not like changes he wanted to make to a previously signed $2.7 billion privatization contract, it was welcome to leave.
But he later backed down in that fight, and has also left in place the flat tax system that attracted many foreign firms.
Instead, he tweaked other parts of tax laws to help generate funds needed to offset increased social spending and still keep the public sector deficit in line with "Maastricht criteria" needed for Slovakia to adopt the euro in 2009 as planned.
The result, said Samuel Abraham, editor of a Bratislava political quarterly magazine, is that Fico has used the benefits of the booming economy built up by the previous government to make pointed statements to his electorate while maintaining an environment friendly for foreign investors.
And according to opinion polls, Fico's Smer remains by far the single most popular party.
"The government has taken steps that may look small, but they were all visible and brought a message to the people," he said. "This is a very populist government, and it must do things that resonate with people."